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Toru Dutt had the advantage of the Christian church and her parents, who supported her brief though impressive literary career. Even then, in those early days, she feared ostracism, and was wary of venturing out of her home, despite riding in a curtained carriage. If she had lived for a few more years, till the 1880s at least, she would have been witness to several changes. By then, it was not as though reform and change depended only on a missionary zeal among the British and the newly converted. The record of the Brahmo Samaj as well as of the more progressive among Hindu society in the emancipation of women and promoting girls’ education is a part of the mythology of modern Bengal. But hagiographic accounts and biographies rarely mention why reformers became the men they did. Or that they had a chequered past — as described by Ashis Nandy in his exposé of Rammohan Roy, who fought an acrimonious legal battle over property with his mother, Tarini. Interestingly, many reformers came from family environments of rigid dogma and oppression — if not torture — of girls and women, as is evident from the unhappy childhood memories of Dwarakanath Ganguly (picture) and Rashbehary Mookerjea. Within their relatively brief lives, these two men became outspoken critics of the kulin legacy that they had left behind.
The two men belonged to a growing cohort of social and religious critics who used the quill to put forth their views in a society that increasingly valued literacy. Advocates of reform strengthened their arsenal with impassioned denigrations in a number of publications — often using Sanskrit texts — of certain aspects of Hindu society such as sati, child marriage, strictures against widow remarriage and kulin polygamy, a complicated system peculiar only to Bengal. Very simply, under this form of polygamy, a kulin — usually the top-ranking among the Brahmins and Kayasthas — could only marry kulin girls or those from a few other similarly recognized gotras within the caste group. Due to selective marriage and a skewed sex ratio, the system resulted in a surfeit of unmarried girls. For many, the future meant a “dishonourable spinsterhood in their brothers’ households” or “a nominal marriage”. As Tapan Raychaudhuri points out, their lives — and occasional dalliances and subsequent brutal punishments — have fascinated those who wrote the earliest novels in the Bengali language to the days of Saratchandra Chattopadhyay. Consequently, there were cases of notional marriages of one man to dozens, if not hundreds, of girls and women.
Of course, the stage for the system’s indictment had been set by that indefatigable supporter of women, Iswar Chandra Vidyasagar. On December 27, 1855, he submitted a well-argued petition to the British against kulin polygamy, followed by a second petition on July 22, 1856, signed this time by 21,000 persons, including leading zamindars. The government however, did not act as the onset of the events of 1857 completely altered its world-view for some years to come. A decade later, a third petition was handed over to Sir Cecil Beadon, the lieutenant governor of Bengal, who apparently responded positively. By then, of course, the powerful pro-kulin lobby, that included novelist Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay, was opposed to any legislation. Though polygamy was not outlawed, widow remarriage was legalized — a recognition of the need for a way out for the hundreds of kulin ‘widows’.
Proactive legislation and an atmosphere of debate encouraged Dwarakanath to publish a journal for women and start an innovative school for girls. Rashbehary Mookerjea sought to propagate marriage reform within the kulin community as well as to create public opinion by writing songs and lampoons on the theme of polygamy. Clearly, their use of different methods and literary genres added greatly to the growing body of opinion and literature on the controversial subject. Trauma in their youth had deeply influenced both, and though Dwarakanath became a Brahmo, Rashbehary chose to criticize Hinduism while remaining within the fold.
In 1861, as a young boy of 17 in his village of Magurkhanda (in the Bikrampur sub-division of Dhaka district), Dwarakanath heard of the poisoning of a young kulin girl to whom he was much attached. Horrified by the event, he discovered that if kulin girls were not married by a certain age, it was not uncommon to murder them. Deeply pained, Dwarakanath not only vowed to eschew polygamy but also to work actively against the system. He started publishing a weekly magazine named Abalabandhab (Friend of the weak; the word abala or weak was quite often used as a signifier of women) from Dhaka. Many years later, he wrote of his investigations following the incident in his journal; he also created a sensation when he featured the story of one East Bengal village where “in a single year thirty-three Kulin women committed suicide or were murdered”. According to Ganguly, every one of them was the victim of premarital or extramarital conception as a result of rape or seduction. Their deaths were passed off as caused by cholera. Dwarakanath’s startling investigative journalism did not go unnoticed. A leading Brahmo, Sivanath Sastri, arranged for the young man to move to Calcutta. Conversion to the Brahmo faith followed, as did the opportunity for Dwarakanath to diversify his activities beyond Abalabandhab. According to the historian of the Brahmo Samaj, David Kopf, the journal “was probably first in the world devoted solely to the ‘liberation of women’”.
His father’s premature death meant that Rashbehary Mookerjea was brought up by his paternal grandfather. Poverty drove the latter to marry off his grandson eight times; following each occasion, marriage payments kept the family hearth going. Soon enough, the young Rashbehary reacted, at first through poetry and later with well-thought out arguments on why kulin Brahmins need no longer abide by an extremely restricting marriage circle. He became actively opposed to “this ugly tradition” which was responsible for the miserable state of “countless women” and soon acquired quite a reputation for his crusade against it — albeit at the cost of being labelled a madman. In the early days of Rashbehary’s campaign, he was not only regarded as an eccentric, but his bona fides were also questioned “because many knew me to be a high status Kulin and thought that marrying several times was my way of life”. In fact, on more than one occasion, both he and his family received death threats from incensed kulins.
Gradually, Rashbehary got a fair hearing for his cause. In order to reach out to a wider public, in his songs and rhymes he often adopted the voice of the oppressed kulin girl. In others, he is the arrogant kulin bridegroom. In a popular ditty, women neighbours cynically sing as they go to watch a kulin wedding:
Come, let’s go and see a wedding in
the Kulin’s house You haven’t seen a wedding like this You hear it is a wedding like a funeral service Therefore in the ritual — at least four cows have to be sacrificed to a bull We hear from people that they are giving four daughters to the same bridegroom Oh! how hard-hearted are they -- parents have no kindness.
Rashbehary’s convincing use of the idioms of the feminine persona brought alive the kulin wife’s dilemma. Using the licence and tenor of women’s folk songs he was able to capture the imagination of those less responsive to Shastric dicta. His lampooning of the kulin bridegroom too must surely have caused unease in some quarters — an unease that characterized the sensitive underbelly of a Bengal buffeted by reform aimed at improving the status of women. That respect for the female body was the subject of so much public discussion and debate could hardly have gone down well with those for whom women were but the providers of pleasure and services, to be oppressed and abused at will. They reacted, but could no longer occupy centre-stage as public spaces were now the arena of well-argued discussions and arguments — and not of dogma alone.
This article is about the social caste. For other uses, see Brahmin (disambiguation).
Brahmin (/ˈbrɑːmɪn/; also called Brahmana; from the Sanskritbrāhmaṇaब्राह्मण) are traditional Hindu societies of India, Nepal and the Far East.
Brahman, Brahmin, and Brahma have different meanings. Brahman refers to the Supreme Self. Brahmin (or Brahmana) refers to an individual belonging to the Hindu priest, artists, teachers, technicians class (varna or pillar of the society) and also to an individual belonging to the Brahmin tribe/caste into which an individual is born; while the word Brahma refers to the creative aspect of the universal consciousness or God. Because the priest / Acharya is knowledgeable about Brahma (the God), and is responsible for religious rituals in temples and homes and is a person authorized after rigorous training in vedas (sacred texts of knowledge) and religious rituals to provide advice and impart knowledge of God to members of the society and assist in attainment of moksha, the liberation from life cycle; the priest / Acharya class is called 'Brahmin varna.' The English word brahmin is an anglicized form of the Sanskrit word Brāhmana.
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According to ancient Indian philosophers and scholars, society comprises four pillars or classes called varnas or colors. In the ancient Indian texts such as Smritis, vedas, upanishads, puranas, etc., these four 'varnas' or classes or pillars of the society are: the priests / Acharya (Brahmins), the rulers and military (Kshatriyas), the merchants and agriculturists(Vaishyas), and the Assistants (Shudras).
Brahmin priests / [[Acharya were engaged in attaining the highest spiritual knowledge (brahmavidya) of Brahman and adhered to different branches (shakhas) of the Vedas. The Brahmin priest is responsible for religious rituals in temples and homes of Hindus and is a person authorized after rigorous training in vedas and sacred]] rituals, and as a liaison between humans and the God. In general, as family vocations and businesses are inherited, priesthood used to be inherited among Brahmin priestly families, as it requires years of practice of vedas from childhood after proper introduction to student life through a religious initiation called upanayana at the age of about five.
Individuals from the Brahmin castes/tribes have taken on many professions such as priests, ascetics and scholars to warriors and business people, according to the 12th-century poet Kalhana, in Rajatarangini.[1] According to Valmiki, a hunter and Sanskrit poet, in Ramayana history, the Brahmin sageParashurama is an Avatar (divineincarnate representation) of Vishnu, who takes up arms against kings to deliver justice. Parashurama is portrayed as a powerful warrior who defeated the Haiheya kshatriyas twenty one times, was an expert in martial arts and the use of weapons, and trained others to fight without weapons.[2]
Krishna Dwaipayana Vyasa, son of a Brahmin sage Parashara and a fisher woman Satyavathi, in his Mahabharata, describes several warriors belonging to Brahmin castes/tribes, such as Dronacharya, Kripacharya, Parashurama etc., who were professors in the schools of martial arts and the art of war.
History
Main article: History of Hinduism
According to the myth of Purusha Sukta, a Rigveda hymn, Brahmins were born from the mouth of Purusha, being the part of the body from which words emerge.[3][4]
Most sampradayas (sects) of modern Brahmins claim to take inspiration from the Vedas. According to orthodox Hindu tradition, the Vedas are apauruṣeya and anādi (beginning-less), and are revealed truths of eternal validity. The Vedas are considered Śruti ('that which is heard') and are the paramount source on which Brahmin tradition claims to be based. Śruti texts include the four Vedas (the Rigveda, the Yajurveda, the Samaveda and the Atharvaveda), and their respective Brahmanas, Aranyakas and Upanishads.
Apart from clerical positions, Brahmins have also historically been ministers (known as Sachivas or Amatyas) in dynasties.
Clerical positions
Requirements for being Brahmin
According to a Buddhist scripture, at the time of the Buddha in eastern India there were five requirements for being Brahmin:[5]
Practices
Brahmins, basically adhere to the principles of the Vedas, related to the texts of the Śruti and Smriti which are some the foundations of Hinduism, and practice Sanatana Dharma. Vedic Brāhmaṇas have six occupational duties, of which three are compulsory — studying the Vedas, performing Vedic rituals and practicing dharma. By teaching the insights of the Vedic literature which deals with all aspects of life including spirituality, philosophy, yoga, religion, rituals, temples, arts and culture, music, dance, grammar, pronunciation, metre, astrology, astronomy, logic, law, medicine, surgery, technology, martial arts, military strategy, etc. By spreading its philosophy, and by accepting back from the community, the Brahmins receive the necessities of life.
Male members of all Brahmin sects wear the Yagnopaveetham (Hindi:जनेऊ or sacred thread) that is a symbol of initiation to the Gayatri recital. This ritual is often referred to as Upanayana. This marks the learning of the Gayatri hymn. Brahmin sects also generally identify themselves as belonging to a particular Gotra, a classification based on patrilineal descent, which is specific for each family and indicates their origin.
Brahmin communities
The Brahmin castes may be broadly divided into two regional groups: Pancha-Gauda Brahmins from the Northern part of India (considered to be the region north of the Vindhya mountains) and Pancha-Dravida Brahmins from the region south of the Vindhya mountains as per the shloka of Kalhana.
Pancha-Gauda
The Brahmins from Sārasvata, Kanyakubja, Gauda, Mithila and Utkala, who with passage of time spread to North East, East and West, were called Pancha Gauda.This group is originally from Uttarapatha (Āryāvarta).Pancha Gauda Brahmins are divided into five main categories:
Sarasvat BrahminsKanyakubja Brahmins
Gauda BrahminsMithila Brahmins
The Maithil Brahmiṇs are a group of Brahmins typically originating from and living in and around Mithila, which is part of North Bihar. They are a community of highly cohesive, traditional Brahmins who strive to follow rites and rituals according to ancient Hindu canons. They have a reputation for orthodoxy and interest in learning. A large number of Maithil Brahmins migrated a few centuries ago to adjoining areas of South-east Bihar and Jharkhand, as well as to adjoining Terai regions of Nepal. Most of the Maithil Brahmins are Śāktas (worshippers of Śakti) . However, it is also not uncommon to find Vaishnavites among the Maithil Brahmins. Some surnames of Brahmins in Bihar include Shukla, Sharma, Mishra, Kissoon, Bhardwaj, Bhagwan, Choudhary, Jha, Bhatt, Kanojia, Kaileyas, Bhaglani, Pingal, and Lakhlani, amongst others. Maithili is their mother tongue, though many use Angika (a south-eastern dialect of Maithili) as their mother tongue.
Utkala Brahmins
The Sanskrit text Brāhmaṇotpatti-Mārtaṇḍa by Pt. Harikrishna Śāstri mentions that a king named Utkala invited Brahmins from the Gangetic Valley to perform a yajna in Jagannath-Puri in Odisha. When the yajna ended, these Brahmins laid the foundation of Lord Jagannath there and settled around Odisha, Jharkhand and Medinipur. The Utkala Brahmins are of three classes 1) Shrautiya (vaidika), 2) Sevayata and 3) Halua Brahmins.
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Pancha-DravidaAndhra Pradesh
Brahmins of Andhra Pradesh known as Telugu Brahmins are broadly classified into four groups: Vaidiki Brahmins, Niyogi, Dravida Brahmins, and Vaikhānasa.
Niyogis are further divided into the following subcategories: Nandavarika Niyogi, Prathama Shakha Niyogi, Aaru Vela Niyogulu, Karanaalu, Sistukaranalu, Karana kamma vyaparlu, Karanakammulu.
Maharashtra
See also: Chitpavan Konkanastha Brahmin, Deshastha Brahmin, and Karhade Brahmin
During the days of Maratha India, these Marathi/Konkani Brahmins primarily served as prime ministers or Peshwas,[6] apart from taking up military jobs and converged into the sovereign or the Chhatrapati of Satara. One of the notable Peshwa families is the Bhat family, who happen to be Chitpavan Konkanastha Brahmins.[7] They took up military jobs[8] and ended up being the de facto head[9] of the Maratha Dynasty.[10]Originally the Chitpavan held a low rank in the social hierarchy amongst Marathi Brahmins, however in modern times they enjoy the same social ranking with Deshastha and Karhade Brahmins, inter-marriages between these three communities is now very common.
Karnataka
Tamil Nadu
KeralaRishis
Due to the diversity in religious and cultural traditions and practices, and the Vedic schools to which they belong, Brahmins are further divided into various subcastes. During the sutra period, roughly between 1000 BCE to 200 BCE, Brahmins became divided into various Shakhas (branches), based on the adoption of different Vedas and different rescension Vedas. Sects for different denominations of the same branch of the Vedas were formed, under the leadership of distinguished teachers among the Brahmins.
Sampradayas
The three sampradayas (sects) of Brahmins found mostly in South India are the Smarta, the Srivaishnava and the Madhvacharya.
Other sects
There are additional sampradayas, which are not as widely followed:
The Mahima Dharma or 'Satya Mahima Alekha Dharma' was founded by the Brahmin Mukunda Das of present-day Odisha, popularly known by followers as Mahima Swami according to the Bhima Bhoi text.[11] He was born in the last part of the 18th century, in the former state of Baudh, a son of Ananta Mishra. He was Brahmin by caste as mentioned in Mahima Vinod of Bhima Bhoi in Vol.11. This sampradaya is similar to Vaishnavism. Although the members of this sect do not worship Lord Vishnu as their Ishta-Deva, they believe that the Srimad Bhagavatam is sacred. The founder of this sect was a Vaishnavite before founding the new order.[11] This sampradaya was founded in the latter part of the 18th century.[11]
There is also the Avadhoot Panth, wherein Lord Dattatreya and his forms such as Narasimha Saraswati and Sai Baba of Shirdi are worshiped. Lord Dattatreya is worshiped by many as the Hindu trinity – Brahma, Vishnu and Shiva in one divine entity. Many even worship Dattatreya as an Avatar of Vishnu or of Shiva.
Nepali Brahmins
Bahun is a colloquial Nepali term for a member of the Pahari or 'Hill' Brahmin (ब्राह्मण) caste, who are traditionally educators, scholars and priests of Hinduism. They are also known as Barmu in Newari, Bavan in Kham. Brahmins are the second largest caste group in Nepal (12.18% of the population), with the Chhetri (Kshatriya) being the first (16.60%).
Burma (Myanmar)
Historically, Brahmins, known as ponna (ပုဏ္ဏား) in modern-day Burmese, formed an influential group in Burma prior to British colonialism. Until the 1900s, ponna referred to Indians who had arrived prior to colonial rule, distinct from kala, Indians who arrived during British rule. During the Konbaung dynasty, court Brahmins were consulted by kings before moving royal capitals, waging wars, making offerings to Buddhist sites like the Mahamuni Buddha, and for astrology.[12] Burmese Brahmins can be divided into four general groups, depending on their origins:
According to Burmese chronicles, Brahmins in Burma were subject to the four-caste system, which included brahmanas (ဗြာဟ္မဏ), kshatriyas (ခတ္တိယ), vaishya (ဝေဿ), and shudra (သုဒ္ဒ). Because the Burmese monarchy enforced the caste system for Indians, Brahmins who broke caste traditions and laws were subject to punishment. In the Arakanese kingdom, punished Brahmins often became kyun ponna (ကျွန်ပုဏ္ဏား), literally 'slave Brahmins', who made flower offerings to Buddha images and performed menial tasks. During the Konbaung dynasty, caste was indicated by the number of salwe (threads) worn; Brahmins wore nine, while the lowest caste wore none. Brahmins are also fundamental in the Nine-God cult, called the Nine Divinities (Phaya Ko Suဘုရားကိုးစု) which is essentially a Burmese puja (puzaw in Burmese) for appeasing nine divinities, Buddha and the eight arahats, or a group of nine deities, five Hindu gods and four nat spirits.[12] This practice continues to be practiced in modern-day Burma.
See alsoReferences
Further reading
External links
he institution of “caste” (more precisely “varNa”) is the most explosive subject of discussion for “Hindus”. Among the Hindu religious leaders, there had been profound ambiguity in expounding the caste system, often leading to defensive posture, especially when challenged by Western critics. I shall presently outline their dilemma in this article. The word “caste”, most people do
not realize is not indigenous to India, nor what it stands for. It is derived from the word “caste” in Portuguese. The medieval Portugal along with the rest of the Europe and the British Isles was practicing “serfdom” (a lesser form of slavery but discrimination of a large population indeed very much based on birth, to be considered a lower class, lower than the nobility and commoners) for several centuries, nearly two millennia, during this era. I. THEOLOGICAL BASIS FOR CASTE Supreme soul is a ocean and soul is a glass of water of ocean.There are difference between supreme soul and a soul. Theological basis of Varna was presumably based on the Purusha Sukta of Rigveda . Hiranyagarbha produced god brahma and the creation came forth from His body. (A nearly parallel version of the Big Bang theory of the origin of the Universe). The Purusha is described as “infinite, formless, without any differentiated qualities, ananta, niraakara, nirguNa” yet, anthropomorphizing “HIM”, the mantra 13 says Braahmano yasya mukhaasit Baahoo raajanyah kritaah Ooroo tadasya yad vaishyaah Paadaabhyaam shoodro ajaayata Meaning, as popularly translated in concrete literal terms: Brahmins came from his face, (kshatriyaas) from his arms, Vaishyaas (merchants including other entrepreneurs) from his thighs and finally the servant class, Shudras, from his feet.it means that every persons are god's creature.god loves every creature and killing the animal and cutting the green trees are sin. This Vedic authority was accepted unchallenged in concrete terms by orthodox Hindus throughout history. Brahmins pursued intellectual enterprise, Kshatriyas warfare and they became rulers; whereas Vaishyas agriculture and trade, and the rest were a servant class. While some argue this was a flexible system moving from one “caste” to another, there is absolutely no evidence for that conjecture either from tradition or from history with only a few exceptions. However, there was harmonious relation in this division almost until modern times. Occasional challenge to the Brahmin supremacy came from the next highest caste, the warriors. A Vaishya on the other hand cared less for Brahminical scriptures and was perfectly happy with his profits from trade. Shudras accepted their position and gradually acquired agriculture, thus the bulk of Indians even at present are farmers. Earlier we have analyzed how the caste sectarianism evolved into political struggle undermining secular democracy that has been tearing apart the Hindu Society . we shall examine the scriptural authority for the classification. More precise definition of caste system took place in Hindu society by Sutra period, perfecting sociological structure dictated by codified laws. Sutra period was the time when orthodox Hinduism faced Buddhist challenge (600 BCE to 300 CE). Ancient Hindus were ruled by the laws dictated in later years by Smrutis, the social and religious laws. These codes changed with times and, therefore, there arose in time many Smrutis, like Parashara Smruti, Yajnavalkya Smruti, Devala Smruti and Manu Smruti. Whereas Smruti governed the contemporary, religious, political and personal life, whenever there was a conflict between Smruti and Shruti, the latter embodied in Vedas and Vedangas, prevailed (akin to constitutional law or preamble to the constitution in modern times) which was considered superior to legislative action, giving flexibility in application of the laws. Thus many practices in Parashara Smruti became outdated and abandoned as unfit for later ages (Kalivarjya). In the matter of caste, its preservation was by strict rules for occupations or professions to be practiced and informally enforced by the laws for marriage. Although, eight forms of marriage were recognized, marriage was strictly restricted within the same caste. If ever transgression occurred, downward union of a man with lower caste woman was tolerated (Anuloma marriage) and man’s marriage with women higher up the gradient (Pratiloma marriage) was prohibited. Keechaka in Mahabharata was a case in point. He was described as the son of a Brahmin woman and Kshatriya father and hence was assigned the status of a Vaishya (3rd level). Vyasa and Vasishta were born of lower caste women, but their fathers were Brahmins and thus of anuloma descent. Historically, there appears to be conflicts between top two higher castes. Legendary Parashurama enraged by the killing of his father, killed every Kshatriya king, conquering most part of the earth which he gave to Kashyapa prajapati, from whom the earthly princes re-acquired their kingdom and thus the kings of this earth derived their kingdoms by gift, and therefore, were forever obliged to heed the Brahmin and respect his counsel. However, Kshatriyas maintained near equality in spiritual learning and creativity. Upanishads were largely written by Brahmins(Upadhyays). In the education of these classes, the distinction was maintained by Manu. A Brahmin boy had initiation into studies by upanayanam at age five, Kshatriya at age eleven and Vaishya at 12. There were slight variations in different traditions with the order being maintained. There was recognizable uniform; Brahmin carrying a danda to the length of the top of his head. Kshatriya to the level of forehead and Vaishya to the level of his nose. Brahmin was initiated with Gaayatri of Vishwamitra, Kshaktriya with Trishtub attributed to Hiranyastupa, Vaishya with Jagatti of Vamadeva. Their sacred threads were also different. Recognizable differences between these classes were maintained in the materials of girdle, upper cloth, lower cloth and their colors (mekhala, ajina and vasa). Caste was thus maintained by creating separate identity from the very childhood. Professionally, Brahmins followed intellectual pursuits commanding highest respect, Kshatriyas were warriors and rulers, Vaishyas were in pursuit of trade and agriculture. Shudras were relegated to servant class who were forbidden in trading with the exception of selling only what they make, as for instance, a potter could sell pots and then only pots. They should serve the Brahmin first, and if employment was not available, he could serve Kshaktriya, and Vaishya last. Needless to say this division of labor was long gone as we know. The bulk of Indian population is farmers and not Vaishyas anymore. Nevertheless, the divisions of the castes persisted to modern times. Even though Shudras were servant class, there was no slavery in ancient India in contrast to the ancient Western world. Sutrakaras were both liberal and conservative. The treatment of Shudras was more generous by Bhodayana than Aapastambhaa. Chariot makers (Rathikaras) were given Upanayana initiation by Bhodayana, considering them as the progeny of Vaishya and Shudra, whereas Aapastamhaa admitted no exceptions. Initiation into Vedic education was limited to the upper three castes, perhaps leading to wide spread illiteracy among Shudras which is the bulk of the population of India now. Treatment of Shudras, untouchables (chandalas) under Manu’s law had been the issue of contention for religious scholars and sociologists. So although much highly touted as an available option in ancient times to indivuduals of using the covenant of “guna-karma-vibhagashah” meaning one’s true nature and chosen occupation is to determine his/her caste, there is no historical evidence that such was a prevalent practice.Upanishads indicate that women and men both had equal value in the time of vadik religion. CASTE AND GENETICS The protagonists of caste argue that the system as originally conceived was perfectly justified, but only that it became misconstrued. They tend to provide scriptural basis for it and argue caste or “varna” for a better word was a flexible system, which lost its vitality. However flexible, there are genetic differences among these groups, and therefore, the classification is still justified if only we can modify it to fit it in the modern times. This is an apologist view. There is a second group that denies that there is any such problem like caste problem, and therefore, the discussion is irrelevant. The third group, like Shankaracharyas, currently silenced by law and public opinion, advocate no change in the system, believing in the inerrancy of the scriptures. Various degrees of ambivalence can be found in the modern Hindu philosophers on this subject. Oft quoted verse Chaturvarnam mayaa sristam gunakarma vibhagashah (Bhagavat Gita Ch 4: verse) says that Shri Krishna himself created four castes or Varnas differentiated by personal qualities and duties. This verse was commented on by various authors variously which illustrates the ambivalence on the subject of caste. Literally, the birth into a caste is ordained by “God” with no election possible for moving across the castes. S. Radhakrishnan had varying positions on this subject at various times and places. He believed that the heredity determines the qualities of people and hence caste division and endogamy was justifiable. (Lectures at Oxford 1926). To illustrate this point he gives an example of one Civil War American soldier who, after wild romantic adventures, fell for an imbecile and married her. The subsequent six generations of this union yielded a total of 143 children all of whom were either, dullards or criminals like their mother. This soldier later married a good Quaker girl whose six generations produced professionals, judges, and governors. He was talking like an amateur geneticist long before this view of heredity was debated and trashed by professional geneticists. While commenting on the verse quoted above, he holds more benign opinion that castes of present day had nothing in common with the Varnas of antiquity, since Varnasankara took place during the times of Mahaabhaarata and the face of the Hindu society is completely changed in this domain. If we accept that view there is no point in discussing this subject further. The fear of Varnasankara was utmost in the mind of Arjuna, described in five verses of Gita in the first chapter. His fears came true and Varnaashrama indeed disappeared. Radhakrishnan then reversed his position while commenting on the phrase swadharma nidhanam shreyam (Gita Ch. 18 verses 41 and 47). While all caste should be treated equally, he holds that, “equal opportunity” does not entail “identical opportunity”, a fine distinction indeed! In support of keeping the castes separate he quotes Herald Heard (Man and Master 1942) who admires Hindus for four fold division of society and deplores that “we pay more attention to breeding horses than men” and need no further scriptural support! By quoting a “eugenics” oriented racist view of a “white man,” S. Radhakrishnan identifies with him and endorses it forgetting his “swadharma” !!! Radhakrishnan maintains that Hindus were liberal and flexible in matters of caste and gives the examples of Vasishta, a son of a low class woman and Vyasa a son of a fisher woman . But, their fathers were Brahmins; the concept ( erroneously) that genetic endowment comes from man who provides the “seed” and the woman the “soil” and nourishment is outdated and unscientific! This is pointed out to illustrate how even great thinkers among the Hindus were bamboozled in dealing with the institution of caste and forming clear cut ideas about retaining the system versus adopting a social reform to abandon it. On this subject of swadharma to be followed despite imperfections, Aurobindo takes the position that all should spiritually advance to the level of a Brahmin and thus function to elevate themselves. The problem with this interpretation is that, if perfection is thus achieved, the phrase sadoshamapi (despite imperfections) in the verse loses its significance. This would not shed any light on the social organization of caste again. In modern language this truly endorses being true to one’s nature and trying to be as authentic as one can be rather than carry affectations and deceptive fake façades. “Be real!!” However, great thinker after thinker, great interpreter after interpreter of Hinduism seems to find this area of Hinduism quite slippery and seems to slide and lose his/her balance. There is a well known story of Satyakama Jabala in Chandogyopanishad. Jabala goes to his teacher Gautama and reveals what his mother told him about his birth that she served many men in her life and that she would not know to whom he was born. The teacher impressed with his truthfulness and honesty admits him as a student. Shankara commenting on this episode insists that, certainly, he should be of Brahmin descent and goes one step further by commenting that his mother in her devotion to serving her master forgot to ask him of his caste, but he was indeed a Brahmin! His hypothesis that qualities of character are determined at birth (and are genetically determined and honesty is limited genetically to the Brahmin caste is a preposterous position taken by a Hindu religious leader) as those of Satyakama is consistent with the overall message of Chandogyopanishad. Most modern educated individuals will recognize that Shankaracharya was hard pressed and was only human to use extreme rationalization full of fallacies. It is the opinion of this author that the irrationalities from modern scientific and genetics viewpoint in the position adopted by the Hindu scriptures are clear. We shall accept or reject the validity and necessity for the caste system on its own merit and any other approach defending it is disingenuous or an apology for an indefensible position.
Kulin Brahmins are the Bengali Brahmins belonging to Hindu religion, who can trace themselves to the five families of Kannauj who migrated to Bengal. The five families were of the five gotras (Shandilya, Bharadwaj, Kashyap, Vatsya and Saavarna). They are mainly classified under two sub-groups — Rādhi and Vārendra.
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Retrieved from 'https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Kulin_Brahmin&oldid=888472666'
I am posting this so that someday Tara and Kaya have somewhere to look up their maternal heritage. Of course being only half Kulin Brahmin makes you not Kulin (pun intended) at all, nevertheless. Also after having this explained to me I now begin to understand those old bengali movies where a pretty young thing of a girl is forced into marriage to an old doddering man with one foot in the grave, promptly to be followed by the torturous life of a widow at age 15 on! Of course, re-marriage was never allowed for women. Joys of being s Kulin Brahmin girl must have been few other than the prestige and education made available at a younger age which was equal by few others.Edit: I do want to make clear my stand on all of this since many people comment on this post: people are people. Brahmins are no better than non-Brahmins, Hindus are no better than non-Hindus or agnostics or atheists. The only true determinant of humanity and goodness is how we treat people, especially people different than ourselves, people with no power over us. This post is not about celebrating a caste, its about knowing about myself and the things that have shaped my family history. Both good and bad. I am told I am of Sanyal (Vatsav/Vatsya) decent on my father's side whose last name is Chakraborty and on my mothers paternal side I am a Maitra (Kashyap) from Bangladesh and on her maternal side I am a Roy, so a Rarhi Brahmin. Since we are paternalistic society that makes me a Rarhi Brahmin (east Bengal) of Vatsya (pronounced Bot-so) Gotra. Well thank god for modernity, no one cares that I married a Canadian! Kulin Brahmin Surnamesso here it is, the Kulin Brahmin system explained..
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Kulin Brahmins are those Brahmins in Bengal who can trace themselves to the five families of Kanauj (Kanyakubja), Uttar Pradesh who migrated to Bengal. They were given immense power during the reign of the Sena/Sen kings who were staunch Hindus and did not encourage the practice of any other religion. The five brahmin families were differentiated by their gotras. The Kanaujiya/kanyakubj brahmins who settled in Bengal had the following gotras: (Shandilya, Bhardwaj, Kashyap, Swavarna and Vatsav/Vatsya); these gotras denote the Rishis whose followers the brahmins were. Some of these kuleen families settled in Barendrabhoom and some in Rarhbhoom in what is present day Bangladesh. The descendants of these families became known as Rarhi and Barendra brahmins as per their settlement. The common surnames of Rarhi brahmin family are (ranked equally): • Mukherjee / Mukhopadhyay (Bharadwaja) • Banerjee / Bandyopadhyay (Shandilya) • Chatterjee / Chattopadhyay (Kashyap) ![]() • Ganguly / Gangopadhyay(Shavarna) • Khanna / (khan) The common surnames of Barendra brahmin family are (ranked equally): ![]() • Lahiri (Shandilya) • Bagchi (Shandilya) • Moitra (Kashyap) Apart from these many others like Chakroborty, Bhattacharya, Ray/Roy, Roy Choudhury, Majumdar, etc., which are, indeed, titles conferred on certain privileged families from among the above mentioned surnames, could also be Kulin if they are Rarhi Brahmins. Khan and Chowdhury are titles awarded to many kuleen brahmin families because of their ancestral rule or profession. The connection between the saraswat brahmins and kanaujiya/kanyakubj brahmins is this that during the Aryan migration the saraswat brahmins, called thus because they lived along the banks of the river saraswati, which began to disappear underground during Parushurama's time. These brahmins migrated to south, north and northwestern parts of the subcontinent. Gaud Saraswat Brahmins The kashmiri pandits are of the same lineage as these saraswats and consider themselves to be pure Aryan because their descendants didn't mingle with the indigenous people. Those that settled in north India also went to what is present day Uttar Pradesh, where Kannauj is located From here they migrated to Gaud or Gour. From Gour, a small community comprising about seven families migrated to the South of the subcontinent.They were known as Gaud Saraswat Brahmins. Kulin Pratha (Kulin System) was initiated by the Sena kings in Bengal whereby the kings gave land and power to the Brahmins to promote vedic principles in the society, leading to a strict and disciplined lifestyle. Simultaneously they also enforced strict rules on family and marriage rules on Brahmins, leading to the birth of Kulin Brahmins, an apex section/class/caste of the society. It was said that a person is Kulin if and only if all the 14 generations on his father's and mother's side were Kulin. This created a very problematic divide in the society. This was also opposed by many Brahmins. Yet it became a norm, probably because the kulin Brahmins got lured by the newly acquired power in the society. Kulin Pratha was a very strict practice leading to many problems in Bengali society. If a daughter of a Kulin family doesn't wed in a Kulin family then the parent family loses their Kulin identity. These led to several problems like young girls getting married to old Kulin married men out of desperation of finding a Kulin groom. It was not uncommon for Kulin grooms to have several wives, most of which stayed at their parents home, just to be wed (for the sake of the ritual) to a Kulin and hence maintain their Kulin status. Nowadays many Brahmins have shunned their Kulin identity and have mixed equally with all the Brahmins and non Brahmins in Bengal and other parts of India. It is hard to state the current stand of these families on Kulin Pratha. It may surface during the marriage process, but the young are not concerned. Marriages and gotras Marriages within the gotra ('swagotra' marriages) are banned under the rule of exogamy in the traditional matrimonial system. People within the gotra are regarded as kin and marrying such a person would be thought of as incest. Did Kulin Brahmins Marry Non Brahmins In PakistanA much more common characteristic of south Indian Hindu society is permission for marriage between cross-cousins (children of brother and sister). Thus, a man is allowed to marry his maternal uncle's daughter or his paternal aunt's daughter, but is not allowed to marry his father's brother's daughter. She would be considered a parallel cousin who is treated as a sister. I Want To Marry A Brahmin BoyAccording to strict Hindu tradition, the term gotra is used only for the lineages of Brahmin, Kshatriya and Vaishya varnas. Brahminical Gotra relates directly to the original seven 'saptarishis' Rishis of the Vedas. Later, the term 'gotra' was associated with broader meanings of any lineage, Brahmin or otherwise. A common mistake is to consider gotra to be synonymous with clan or kula. A kula is basically a set of people following similar cultural rituals, often worshipping the same God (the Kula-Devata - the God of the clan). Kula has nothing to do with lineage or caste. In fact, it is possible to change one's kula, based on one's faith or Ishta-deva. It is common practice in preparation for Hindu marriage to inquire about the Kula-Gotra (meaning Clan-Lineage) of the bride and bridegroom before approving the marriage. In almost all Hindu families, marriages within the same gotra are prohibited, since people with same gotra are considered to be siblings. But marriage within the kula is allowed and even preferred. For commenters: Please note, do not post as *Anonymous*, I will likely delete your comment. The comments here are moderated by me, before they appear on the screen and I will not be permitting any rants or foul language nor anything I consider offensive. Comments are closed.
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